A recent study of the country's political history
Jo Tuckman in Mexico reported since 2000, the year in which the PRI, the ruling party was in power for almost the Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920, was finally elected national office. Twelve years later, the party is about to take over the presidency in July electionson 1. Tuckman is a competent and reliable guide, which varies widely between a complicated country, covering crime, violence, police, army, political parties, elections, media, tourism, environment and religion.
Mexican figures currently largely due to drug violence, which has soared since 2006 (although it is only recently stabilized). Say comparisons with Pakistan and Colombia are common. Tuckman story unravels narco and used first hand examples and criticism of government policies reasonable offer of a military confrontation with aggressive cartels - realized when President Calderon took office and justified with logic worthy Cooling Field Marshal Haig, by presidential advisers, Joaquin Villalobos.
"Before the drug wars," Tuckman writes, "the main reason for a business trip to Juarez was cover type serial murders of young women who started the mid- 1990s. "That may be true journalistic priorities, but Juarez is not only a place of vicious gang warfare
femicide
as a city of over one million inhabitants and important entry in the highly integrated economy Agreement Agreement North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which played a major role in the defeat of the PRI and large houses
maquiladoras
Perhaps these historical mistakes do not matter much. After all, this is history. However, two problems arise. The book's central theme is Mexican democracy, and all Tuckman provides us with abundant data and illustrations, which offers no clear analytical framework, no general interpretation of current trends. Contemporary democracy contrasts previous "revolutionary nationalism" - a catchall that encompasses both vague ideology and political "culture" (corruption and authoritarianism). But this is very different categories, and the old PRI - when he took her "neoliberal" turn in the 1980s - leftist ideology while clinging to the "culture". Revolutionary nationalism - nationalism land and labor reform, anticlericalism and economic - has been declining for a generation and will not recover even in the unlikely event that the left wins presidential elections. Nafta does not start and the Pope will receive an enthusiastic officer.A more relevant question is whether Mexican democracy is real and difficult to reverse, even if the PRI back to the office. An army of political scientists, mainly Mexico and the United States, have thought about this question, but in his research seems to have journalists and public intellectuals Tuckman. It confuses representative democracy and "participatory" and entertains excessively high standards that - liberal representative - democracy must take the country to meet the standards
Mexico
defects - corrupt politicians in collusion with powerful media excesses - have something familiar. Social inequalities, the most extreme and inflection race in Mexico than in most OECD countries, is not a product of democracy (and, in fact, inequality has declined slightly in recent years ). After 2000, Tuckman said, "really encourages citizens to participate more actively in politics could provide another engine for further change", but "Mexico has cavalierly dismissed ... the ability to create a new dynamic and change of democracy itself is mired in political decline. "These judgments underestimate the important radical political changes that Mexico has experienced since the 1980s (and not only since 2000), while overestimating that modern liberal democracy generally linked to the neo-liberal, pro-activity of the economic policies can actually achieve.
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