วันเสาร์ที่ 11 กุมภาพันธ์ พ.ศ. 2555

Julius Malema: the man who scarred South Africa

Julius Malema has just been expelled from the ANC, but their incendiary politics has changed forever the face of the country - and not for the better

During the time I can remember, white South Africans are afraid that a black man wild and dangerous to have too much power in his hands. Charismatic and he would be angry. It would be churlish, and very corrupt. The ranks of his supporters grow. He was convinced that everything that whites have always been - swimming pools, cars, holidays by the sea - should be shared, not online, but now, now

This view is wired fear white South African DNA. The extreme left to extreme right, it is a white leader in the last century has not warned against a racial time bomb. Around tables and barbecues, generations of white South Africans have a thousand deaths, imagining the black leader to turn against them.

And yes, when black South Africans voted the African National Congress (ANC) in 1994, with permission of the organization and grace seemed a reproach to those fears coarse. Nelson Mandela, opened his arms and forgave him. It was a true forgiveness was obvious to everyone. He could not forgive without loss of honor was the secret of their magic.

His successor, Thabo Mbeki, was an entirely different creature, delicate and secret and quick to take offense. He saw white racism everywhere he looked. He was also a self-proclaimed prophet alarming ideas. However, Mbeki was a stretch too far from the ogre nightmares white: it was evidence that black leaders would be difficult and opaque, which can not be afraid

so used were the targets of these black leaders when the mild character of their nightmares come in the real world in 2007, which had taken him for a clown. Julius Malema was thin and young and casually dressed, his taste for champagne and Breitling watches not purchased yet, and when he opened his mouth, it was clear that it offered a challenge. I will bring the toughest streets of this country on the national scene, it was said. I promise you that violence and anger. Do you have what it takes to take me the

It was written as a joke, a flash in the pan. But in 2008 became 2009, and no one stopped him, the laughter became increasingly nervous. Malema got fat and rich sources of their wealth increasingly suspect. In his speech became more outrageous, so its influence on the ANC seemed to grow. He became known as the kingmaker of the organization, the man whose support than any other contender for the presidency would have to capture. And yet no one stopped him. Saturday, finally, a disciplinary committee of the ANC has confirmed a five-year suspension slapped on Malema to take the organization into disrepute. Among his misdeeds were called to a regime change in Botswana, a peaceful and prosperous neighbor South Africa. It seems that the dramatic career Malema and stormy politics may be more for now. But meanwhile, has changed the face of politics in South Africa.

At another point in the history of the nation, the star of Malema would have burned and soon disappeared, but what experts who mocked him, he seemed to understand that when Malema has climbed to the glory, the tectonic plates under the ANC have been changed. The flag of the organization remains the same, based in central Johannesburg was unchanged, but the organization itself became a completely new beast, and Malema was only the most spectacular demonstration.

I first saw the ANC closely in 1992, shortly after the ban was lifted in the organization and its leaders returned from exile. I was a student 22 years of college age are lucky to have obtained a part-time employment of the minutes to the Convention for a Democratic South Africa, the forum that negotiated transition in South Africa to democracy. What has stayed with me during those months I sat the record is not one particular incident, but a feeling, a spirit. Specifically, it was the spirit that shows men and women representing the ANC.

In short, he possessed the behavior of people who knew they made history. The chief negotiator of the ANC, Cyril Ramaphosa and Joe Slovo, were gentle and elegant. Irradiation of the natural grace of the winners and the intelligence of people who knew they were in control. In his hands the work of constitutional negotiations has become an art.

Other players wrinkled in comparison. The National Party, soon exhausted the affairs of the demoralization of the negotiation of power itself, grew increasingly irritable and graceless. Black leaders of the former homelands of apartheid were visibly nervous, not knowing what to do and say in this new field. The ANC was in the path stratosphere over them. I liked what he would do to my country after seizing power.

In mid 90s, I went for three years to study, and the time after my return, things began to change rapidly. The ANC is governed and is proven to be difficult for them. Gradually, through a fog of denial, the organization was heading for the terrible knowledge that was not the master of the destiny of South Africa. He could not help unemployment to acceptable levels - between 1980 and 1995, the national unemployment rate rose from less than 10% to 17.7%, accelerated to 27.1% in 2003 - and could not turn the tap on foreign investment. In 1996, it adopted economic policies payable to Washington - the liberalization of the economy, the budget deficit reduction, planning to privatize public services, but the flow of foreign capital has never responded. Nor could the ANC turn off the tap of crime. While the daily lives of the poor rose probably less violent countries in the Middle suburbs were subjected to a wave of carjackings and armed robberies that seemed unable to stop.

First answer

ANC to the conclusion that there was in control was paranoia. Its leaders began talking about all sorts of conspiracies hatched in the west. The most famous of them was the insistence of Mr. Mbeki, the idea that HIV causes AIDS was an illusion invented by the pharmaceutical industry.

Few people realized at the time because it would have taken a heavy dose of cynicism to believe, but what came after was a kind of nihilism paranoia - a shrug, an increase the feeling of never spoken aloud, as if the state power could not be used to change South Africa, which could be used to obtain wealth, power and esteem.

In retrospect, the catalyst came in 2005 when President Mbeki has fired his agent, Jacob Zuma, Zuma, apparently because he was accused of corruption, but also to pave the way for Mbeki choose their successor. Instead of meekly accepting his exile, Zuma defended. He did it with populist arrogance, posing as an injured son of the earth, and invited a large group of disgruntled forward.

Zuma gathered behind a coalition of all those in the alliance of the ANC led by Mbeki, who was wounded, injured and abandoned in the cold, a large and diverse, ranging from movement of labor and the Communist Party in a variety of regional business interests and ethnic minorities. The insurgency, led by Zuma then looked like a gaudy and colorful carnival. What kind of political language spoken depended of its many constituencies to whom he spoke. It was unclear what he represented rather than the desire to become president.

The struggle between Zuma and Mbeki, threatened to destroy not only the ANC has also apparently also corrupts the South African state. The officials from the Ministry of Intelligence were found to have monitored and controlled lieutenants of Mbeki. The different political factions vying for power have been connected to the networks of commercial interests opaque. South African policy began to exude a scent that is not struck by the apartheid years. It was in these difficult and unpleasant news that men like Julius Malema has begun to flourish.

Malema was born in 1981, a single mother who was a domestic worker. He grew up in poverty in a place called Seshego, a black township separate topic to the city of the province of Pietersberg (now Polokwane), an Afrikaner stronghold of conservatism. Malema said that as a child was trained to use firearms in an underground cell of the armed wing of the ANC, but history has a single corroborator doubtful. And his supporters have said that when beloved leader of the South African Communist Party, Chris Hani, was murdered in 1993, 12 years Malema, stuck a gun in his pocket, he boarded a bus and went to Johannesburg the next civil war. There are no witnesses to this act of bravery.

More worrisome that their ideas was the style and tone of Malema. It has a scent of a threat to national policy. In blunt insults, rough Mbeki launched, journalists and other targets were suggestions of violence. And then, in the heat of the battle for the succession of the ANC, has publicly stated that young people were not ready to die for Zuma, who would kill for him, too. Once again, Zuma mumbled about youthful exuberance.

At the time, Malema was considered one of the many pathological symptoms of a battle for power. Both sides were playing dirty and that was one tool among many others, a useful idiot, once the fight was over, zipped and save.
In December 2007, Zuma defeated Mbeki and became president of the ANC, 15 months later, the organization generously won the general elections and Zuma became president of South Africa. Malema, meanwhile, had been elected president of the Youth League of the ANC. Many thought that now would be satisfied, or are forced to do so.

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