วันอังคารที่ 7 กุมภาพันธ์ พ.ศ. 2555

Syria between two massacres: Hama's memory endures | Wadah Khanfar

As Syrians to find their voice at the massacre of 1982, its decision to topple this brutal regime is clear

While Russia and China have been using their veto power to quash the decision of the Security Council of the UN against the Syrian regime, the news of a massacre is happening in Homs quickly. In an unprecedented escalation, the Syrian regime has attempted to exploit the international indecision for a bloody confrontation with the opposition.

This came after the Syrians had observed for the first time in 30 years anniversary of the massacre took place in Hama in February 1982. It is considered one of the worst in modern history of Syria. On this occasion, former President Hafez al-Assad, decimated most of the city of Hama, with aerial bombardment and tanks. Approximately 30,000 people were killed, while a similar number were arrested, tortured and killed many in prisons. All this happened in the shadow of the Cold War and with the top of the Soviet Union, then allied to the regime of Hafez al-Assad.

Last Friday, the Syrian demonstrators gathered under the slogan "Hama forgive us, we apologize," a clear reference to silence the abject slaughter that eclipsed over the last three decades. Despite Hama was a bleeding wound, always present in the popular consciousness of Syria, and a humiliating embarrassment that shook the soul, people were forbidden to remember or to specify that throughout the period of government Hafez al-Assad. When his son took office in 2000, many were optimistic that there would at least give some consideration to the victims or reveal the fate of thousands who were engulfed in prisons. However, the young president has chosen to follow the footsteps of his father, who carried out a massacre of Hama and Homs to many others and other Syrian cities and towns. However, this time, Bashar al-Assad miscalculated. The revolution in Syria, which has so far killed more than 7,000 dead, will not end unless the regime is overthrown.

System

Hafiz al-Assad, he managed to get away with the massacre of Hama in 1982 by the international silence dictated by the balance of power during the Cold War and a blackout media, denying victims a voice and prevented them from presenting images of calamity.

is true that the regional and international balance of power continues to play a negative role in ending the suffering of the Syrian people. But the Syrians - and other Arab peoples in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen - have become major players in the unfolding events. This would enable them to overcome all external factors in their quest for freedom from tyranny and repression.

regional and international indecision to deal with Syria is due to two main factors. The first concerns the regional balance of power and what would happen if the regime collapsed. The second is related to alternatives to replace the Baath regime.


All these fears seem legitimate on the surface, but they ignore an important truth, namely that the Syrian street is cunning and his revolution is well aware of the dangers that surround it. They are very careful not to fall within the scope of them. A detailed review of popular action in recent months shows that the street has largely succeeded in neutralizing the specter of sectarianism and the militarization of their revolution.

popular consciousness of Syria

was able to keep the revolution against the virus of sectarianism and ethnicity, the preservation of their national character. From day one, the ranks of the opposition include Alawites, Christians, Druze and Sunnis and Kurds. They all stood as one front, demanding freedom and dignity. Despite severe repression, the revolution has managed to preserve its largely peaceful, except in the defense of civilians, which is now an essentially carried by the Syrian authorities without an army. This army is made up of experienced and army officers who have left the system. They resolutely safeguard national discourse, and who do not use sectarian rhetoric. Syria knows that street language of sectarianism will only serve the interests of the regime and the revolution away from the path of democracy to an internal conflict to end all hope of living in freedom and dignity.
As for the supposed weakness and the organizational capacity of the Syrian opposition, it is actually an enormous capacity to organize and instill discipline. People management committees to coordinate the needs of people efficiently. They communicate with each other in all parts of Syria, the division of tasks and take care of logistics in a way that's much better now than it was in the early days of the revolution. Meanwhile, the National Council of Syria began to organize their ranks abroad, agree on a political discourse that is more coherent and coordinated. It is true that the Syrian opposition is less organized than their counterparts in Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen, because of the extreme brutality of the Syrian regime, but an acceptable measure of maturity and commitment that was achieved. Street, with their civil and political forces, is capable of guiding the transition to democracy, without field lower than other peoples of the region that have already disposed of their regimes.


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